secession

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Predictive Words

STATES GOVERNMENT PEOPLE UNION STATE SOUTH WAR UNITED CONSTITUTION PEACE POWER SOUTHERN FEDERAL NORTH RIGHTS COUNTRY CONGRESS SLAVERY PRESIDENT POLICY QUESTION CONFEDERACY ACTION FREE

This list of words are those that the topic model identifies as most likely to appear in documents in this category.

Exemplary Articles

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Monday, February 18, 1861

State-Rights--Coercion.

The constitutional expounder of Springfield has utterly dissipated, with a single breath, every idea of State sovereignty ever entertained North or South; and he means plainly to follow up his views by forcible arguments to show that he is right. He, beyond all doubt, reflects the general opinion . . . more

State-Rights--Coercion.

The constitutional expounder of Springfield has utterly dissipated, with a single breath, every idea of State sovereignty ever entertained North or South; and he means plainly to follow up his views by forcible arguments to show that he is right. He, beyond all doubt, reflects the general opinion of the Northern people, who, having the POWER, are utterly unwilling to make any concession of constitutional right to the States which would limit the exercise of that power to the full extent of compelling submission everywhere to the Federal Government. Notwithstanding that some of the Northern States, in adopting the Constitution, protested strongly that in doing so they did not surrender their sovereignty, and did not assent to it on the principle of unlimited submission, they all now stand up to the view that the Union is a consolidation of power, and the States are united upon the principle of obedience, voluntary or compulsory, to the laws of Congress. All that have nullified those laws declare that everybody else must submit.

Mr. Lincoln, reflecting Northern sentiment, then, declares that State-Rights are simply nothing—that there is nothing sacred in the idea of a State—and he means to make all submit to the laws. In twenty days we may expect stirring times. Lincoln orders the retaking of the forts and the collection of revenue in the seceded States. War follows? Virginia, in her Legislature, has almost unanimously resolved that she will resist coercion of any Southern State. Will she be true to her resolution?

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Monday, December 17, 1860

Another Proposition for Pacification.

New York, Dec. 15.

—The Albany Atlas and Argus publishes an article on the danger to the country and the remedy, proposing that Lincoln's administration shall acquiesce in the Constitution as settled by the Supreme Court, which puts Southern property upon in equal footing in . . . more

Another Proposition for Pacification.

New York, Dec. 15.

—The Albany Atlas and Argus publishes an article on the danger to the country and the remedy, proposing that Lincoln's administration shall acquiesce in the Constitution as settled by the Supreme Court, which puts Southern property upon in equal footing in the Territories, and also that the following amendments be made to the Constitution.

That Congress may establish governments for the Territories, and any Territory having a population equal to the constituency of one member of Congress, and having adopted, by the vote of the citizens resident therein, a constitution in the republican form, may be admitted by Congress into the Union as a State.

That neither Congress nor the people of a Territory, during its Territorial condition, shall by legislation or otherwise, annul or impair the rights of property recognized by the laws of any of the States.

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Wednesday, January 09, 1861

Sectionalism.

Any sectional organization is prima facie hostile. It is hostility to another section in some way or other. And in communities where such organizations occur it is absolutely necessary for peace and order, and to prevent separation, that, even in the ordinary elections, the equality of sections shall . . . more

Sectionalism.

Any sectional organization is prima facie hostile. It is hostility to another section in some way or other. And in communities where such organizations occur it is absolutely necessary for peace and order, and to prevent separation, that, even in the ordinary elections, the equality of sections shall be preserved by electing officers alternately from the different divisions. If this be so even in municipal and State matters, how much stronger are the feelings of sectionalism in a Confederacy of States, and how much more imperative it is that measures of equality shall negative their dangerous tendencies. Washington, in his prediction that a sectional organization of parties would dissolve the Union, may or may not have had the slavery question in view.—He certainly had seen enough of sectionalism and clannishness in the army to make him dread their introduction into the politics of the country.

If any sort of sectionalism is dangerous, how much more dangerous than any other is that which selects as the basis of its organization, issues upon the most sensitive question that can be touched. Mr. Buchanan, in '33, said that we might dispute over the Tariff, U. S. Bank, Internal Improvements by the General Government, nay, any measure of public policy, without danger to the Confederacy; but the moment the question of slavery was opened, the peace of the country, and the Union itself, was imperilled. And this is the question opened, in its most exciting phases, by the sectional Black Republican party of the North. But even let the shock their acts and policy have given the country pass by—if possible, let there be a settlement of our present troubles, and the Union be restored to peace and concord—yet if that party, or one in its place, continues the sectional organization, and the holding of power and the administration of the Government in the hands of a purely Northern party, Washington will prove no less a prophet, and the Union will assuredly be dissolved. If, in the restoration of the Confederacy, if that be possible, (and we hope it is,) sectionalism be not broken up and overwhelmed, it will be a mere patching up of things—a mere covering up of the embers of discord—a few years will involve us in all the troubles we now endure, and bring the fabric of the Union again to the brink of ruin. If it survives now, can it survive another such shock?

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Thursday, November 29, 1860

PLAN OF SECESSION.

The Columbus (Ga.) Sun suggests the following plan of settling the Secession question:

  • 1. The eight cotton States—South Carolina' Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas—shall consult together, and their destiny in this crisis shall be the same; all shall act together; all shall either remain . . . more

PLAN OF SECESSION.

The Columbus (Ga.) Sun suggests the following plan of settling the Secession question:

  • 1. The eight cotton States—South Carolina' Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas—shall consult together, and their destiny in this crisis shall be the same; all shall act together; all shall either remain together in the Union, or all together shall go out of the Union.
  • 2. It shall be understood that a majority of the people in these States shall control the matter for them all—and in order to carry out this programme—
  • 3. Let a Convention of the people be called in each State, and let it be understood when

the vote is taken in each of those States for delegates, that the first question is, shall those eight States remain in the Union, or shall they together go out?

4. Let there be a Convention or Congress of these eight States; let each appoint a delegation equal to its present representation in Congress—Georgia being entitled to ten delegates.

5. Let the Convention in each State delegate to its representatives to this Southern Congress all the powers that the Convention itself has, which will be sovereign and supreme over this question.

6. When this Southern Congress meets, it will have full power to settle this question for those eight States; and let a majority of the delegates in this Congress have power to bind all by their action.

7. Let the first question before this Congress be, shall those eight States remain in the Union, or shall they go out together and form a Southern Confederacy?

8. In the event they go out of the Union, this Congress will have power to organize at least a temporary Confederation; and in the event they determine to remain in the Union, then I propose that—

9. They (this Congress) shall agree upon some efficient plan of retaliatory legislation, to be recommended to the several Legislatures of those States; and that such retaliatory legislation should be the most stringent and efficient that can be devised.

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Wednesday, June 12, 1861

Peace Resolutions in the Senate of Iowa.

We copy the following from the Dubuque (Iowa) Herald, of May 31st:

We are gratified in being able to lay before our readers the following resolutions introduced into the Senate of this State by Mr. Duncombe, and the vote by which the . . . more

Peace Resolutions in the Senate of Iowa.

We copy the following from the Dubuque (Iowa) Herald, of May 31st:

We are gratified in being able to lay before our readers the following resolutions introduced into the Senate of this State by Mr. Duncombe, and the vote by which the Senate refused to lay it on the table. This is an indication that there is still left a healthy conservative constitutional sentiment in Iowa, which needs but a favorable opportunity to manifest itself for the preservation of at least a remnant of the Union, and some of the political rights resulting from the acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States:

Whereas, At this time nearly one-third of the States of this Union have taken upon themselves the responsibility of withdrawing their allegiance to the Federal Government, and have established a Confederate Government separate from the Government of the United States, and establishing a Constitution Republican in form, and have sent Commissioners to the Federal Government to negotiate relative to the property and rights of the belligerent parties; and,

Whereas, It is not only desirable but indispensable to the security and welfare of the people of the United States that terms of peace be arranged between the portions of the country now in a state of war, before the bitterness of fraternal bloodshed shall make arrangement impossible; and,

Whereas, The necessary consequence of such a war would be the ruin of thousands of loyal citizens in the States now seceded and in other portions of the Union, who are in no way responsible for the fratricidal war now commenced in our unfortunate country, and believing, as we do, that the calm patriotism and reason of the American people may yet settle upon honorable terms the existing troubles, and believing that civil war, if persisted in and pushed with the malignity which universally characterizes all civil war, will only terminate in an overwhelming indebtedness, public and private, without benefiting either of the parties to this controversy, and a military despotism in which the liberties of the people will be disregarded, the butchery of the patriotic and innocent citizens as well as guilty, and such a war, if possible to be honorably avoided, is unpatriotic, unmeasurable and anti-Christian: Therefore,

  • Resolved, That the Senate of the State of Iowa recommend to the Government of the United States in this, their most earnest appeal, that while every preparation for the defence of the Government shall be made, a cessation of actual hostilities may take place until Congress shall have time to act in the premises.
  • 2. That we recommend to Congress the calling of a National Convention, for the settlement of our national difficulties, and that every possible honorable means shall be first exhausted by the national Government before our prosperous people be plunged into a civil war, the ultimate result of which the wisest cannot foresee.
  • 3. That we are opposed to a war prosecuted for the subjugation of the seceding States, while it is possible amicably to settle the difficulties now existing.
  • 4. That we are opposed to the prosecution of a war against the seceded States, waged under any circumstances for the purpose of emancipating the slaves of the Southern slaveholding States.
  • 5. That the secretary of the Senate be requested to forward a copy of these resolutions to the President of the United States, and to each of our representatives in Congress.

Hammer moved to lay them on the table.—Ayes 18, nays 21.

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Monday, February 25, 1861

Pennsylvania Democratic State Convention.

The Pennsylvania Democratic State Convention re-assembled Friday morning in Brant's Hall, at Harrisburg, and was opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. John W. Nevins, of Lancaster.

The Committee on Resolutions, through their chairman, Hon. Ellis Lewis, reported the following, which were unanimously adopted: . . . more

Pennsylvania Democratic State Convention.

The Pennsylvania Democratic State Convention re-assembled Friday morning in Brant's Hall, at Harrisburg, and was opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. John W. Nevins, of Lancaster.

The Committee on Resolutions, through their chairman, Hon. Ellis Lewis, reported the following, which were unanimously adopted:

Resolved,That the States of this Union are sovereign and independent over every subject not surrendered to the control of the Federal Government; and they have no right to interfere with each other's domestic institutions, but are bound by the Constitution of the United States to protect and defend them against domestic insurrection as well as foreign invasion.

Resolved, That the Government of the United States, although limited in its authority to the subjects enumerated in the Federal Constitution, possesses within those limits supreme authority, and has the usual and necessary powers for preserving itself and enforcing its laws.

Resolved, That the Union of the States was founded by the wisdom of our patriotic ancestors, is sanctioned by the experience of our whole political existence, and has secured to us unexampled prosperity at home, and respect abroad; the Democratic party will cling to it as the last prey of freedom, and as the great exponent in self-government, which is to light the nations of the earth to liberty and independence.

Resolved,That the Democratic party possesses the recuperating power which nothing but integrity can give, and is determined to sacrifice, on the altar of patriotism, all individual interests and past dissensions, and unite as a band of brothers to rescue the country from the control of those who are seeking its destruction; that this country, with the best form of Government that ever was devised, is surrounded with dangers and difficulties which threaten its very existence, and yet the Republican party refuse all reasonable terms of compromise, and their leader, on his way to take possession of the Government, seemingly satisfied with the disastrous calamities of his "irrepressible conflict," declares there is nothing going wrong.

Resolved,That the people of the Southern States contributed their exertion and treasure in the acquisition of the Territories, equally with those of other States, and that the principle which recognizes the equal rights of all the States in the same is founded on the clears equality, and supported by the decision of the highest Court of the country. It ought, therefore, to be sustained by every law-abiding citizen until a satisfactory dividing line can be settled by amendment of the Constitution.

Resolved,That every State is bound by the Constitution of the United States to aid in delivering up fugitive slaves to their owners, and all legislation which withholds such aid or throws obstacles in the way, is unconstitutional, and should be repealed, and suitable enactments substituted, in accordance with the Federal duties of the respective States.

Resolved,That the resolutions offered in the U. S. Senate by the patriotic Senator from Kentucky, and known as the Crittenden plan of compromise, present a satisfactory basis for the adjustment of our difficulties; the measures therein specified are wise, just, and honorable, calculated to end the present deplorable agitation, and prevent forever its recurrence. We commend this plan, or something similar, to patriots, men of business, working men, political parties, to the people everywhere, and we call upon all who love their whole country, and desire to preserve it, to rally to such plan of compromise, and carry it through.

Resolved, That we will, by all proper and legitimate means, oppose, discountenance, and prevent any attempt on the part of the Republicans in power to make any armed aggression upon the Southern States, especially so long as laws contravening their rights shall remain unrepealed on the statute books of Northern States, and so long as the just demands of the South shall continue to be unrecognized by the Republican majorities in these States, and unsecured by proper amendatory explanations of the Constitution.

Resolved,That in the dignified and prudent reserve of the Southern Border States, and in their conciliatory overtures, we recognize the same patriotic purposes which animated the fathers of the Republic, and that an appeal to the people of Pennsylvania will manifest their hearty concurrence in all reasonable constitutional measures for the preservation of the Union, consistently with the rights of all the States.

Resolved, That the conduct of the present Governor of Pennsylvania in confining exclusively his selection of Commissioners to the Peace Conference to the Republican party, and excluding 230,000 freemen of Pennsylvania from any representation in that body, was the act of a partisan and not a patriot.

Resolved, That we are in favor of the immediate repeal of the 95th and 96th sections of the Penal Code of Pennsylvania, except so far as relates to the crime of kidnapping, because said sections stand in the way of a strict enforcement of the fugitive slave law.

On motion, a committee, consisting of 34 members of the Convention, was appointed to convey the resolutions to the President of the United States.

Eloquent and patriotic speeches were then made by Hon. Ellis Lewis, Hon. Rd. Vaux, Gen. H. D. Foster and others, after which the Convention adjourned.

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Monday, September 09, 1861

The New York Democracy.

—Great excitement existed in Syracuse, New York, on the 5th inst., in consequence of the assembling of the State Democratic Convention. The Tammany delegates were alone admitted, thus excluding the Mozart or "Peace" wing of the party. A telegram from Syracuse says:

The Committee on Resolutions . . . more

The New York Democracy.

—Great excitement existed in Syracuse, New York, on the 5th inst., in consequence of the assembling of the State Democratic Convention. The Tammany delegates were alone admitted, thus excluding the Mozart or "Peace" wing of the party. A telegram from Syracuse says:

The Committee on Resolutions reported a series of resolutions setting forth that the watchword of Democracy was:

"The Union must be preserved." That the claim to relinquish State allegiance was unwarranted by the Constitution, and at war with its letter and spirit; that secession is revolution: that the seizure by the seceding States of the forts and property of the Government, followed by privateering, precipitated the country into the present war; that it is the duty of the Government to prosecute the war with all its power and resources; and that it is the duty of the people to rally to its support, until the struggle ends with the triumph of the Constitution and the restoration of the Union; that we hold next in guilt to the faction in arms the Northern agitators; that it was the duty of Congress to encourage loyal citizens South, by ample guarantees of just and honorable concessions; that it is the duty of the Government, while putting down rebellion, to offer to the loyal people in the disaffected States a convention of all the States, for a revision and amendment of the Constitution; that the Democracy of this State regard any attempt to pervert this conflict into a war for the emancipation of slaves, as fatal to all hopes of the restoration of the Union; that we protest against the doctrine that any power except the representatives of the people can suspend the writ of habeas corpus.

The resolutions also protest against the passport system, and against Government establishing State police; against the assumption of the Government to repress the dissemination of a free press, by the refusal of mail facilities; and finally against the President's doctrine, that the States derive their authority from the Federal Government.

The last resolution concludes thus:—"That a Democratic victory in this State would be hardly less auspicious than a triumph of the Federal arms in the field, and therefore we hold those trying to create dissension in the ranks of the Democracy, not only treasonable to its principles, but disloyal to the country.

A number of speeches were made opposing any peace propositions, except at the cannon's mouth, but guaranteeing to the South all their constitutional rights. The resolutions were mainly adopted.

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Monday, January 07, 1861

The National Troubles—Union of the South
demanded for its Safety.

In the midst of the agitating events and warm discussions of the times, there are many side issues and impracticable propositions presented tending to distract the public mind and divide the public counsels. The great point to be obtained in the . . . more

The National Troubles—Union of the South
demanded for its Safety.

In the midst of the agitating events and warm discussions of the times, there are many side issues and impracticable propositions presented tending to distract the public mind and divide the public counsels. The great point to be obtained in the South is harmony of feeling and unity of action. By this only can we avert war; by this only can we preserve or reconstruct the present Union of the States. In order to promote harmony, it is well to recur to the causes of our difficulties occasionally. It is only by keeping their true nature in view that we can hope to apply the proper means to redress our grievances.

The preamble to the resolutions adopted by the recent meeting of citizens of Richmond, very briefly and nervously summed up the evils which have produced the present condition of things, thus:

"We recognize as the chief source of our evils, the anti-slavery sentiment of the North, which denies to the Southern States their rights in the Territories; nullifies, by legislative enactment, the Fugitive Slave Law; poisons the schools the pulpit, the press, the literature, and, to some extent, the administration of justice in the Northern States; paralyzes the action of Congress for all useful purposes, and has at length, under the form of a Presidential election, seized the Federal Executive, with the avowed intention of so administering the Government as to circumscribe slavery, and to place it where the Northern mind shall rest satisfied that it is in the course of ultimate extinction."

Let us see what are the real principles of the party who have, "under the forms of a Presidential election, seized the Federal Executive," to carry out purposes at war with the Constitution and the rights of the South. The following are the resolutions known as the Chicago, or Black Republican platform, adopted by the Republican party in May last, when it nominated Abraham Lincoln for President of the United States:

CHICAGO PLATFORM.

Resolved. That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations:

That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.

That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution,

"That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved.

That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and servant, to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people.

"That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.

"That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that 'no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law,' it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States."

Now, we doubt whether one in twenty of our readers ever read this very remarkable party paper, this declaration of the Republican party, which is nothing more nor less than a declaration of war upon the Southern States. "These resolutions, " as fairly stated by a Northern journal, "assert the equality of the black with the white man, by a misapplication of the language of the Declaration of Independence, which was never intended to apply to negro slaves; that slaves are not property, and that the master is not entitled to protection under the Federal Government by land and sea; and that to affirm that the constitution protects slavery in the Territories "is revolutionary and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country;" and on the ground that "no person should be deprived of life liberty or property, without due process of law, " the resolutions further maintain that "the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom," and that it becomes the duty of all Republicans by legislation to maintain that principle, and to "deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States." Lastly, that on these principles, which are in direct violation of the Constitution, "the Union of the States must and shall be preserved," which of course implies force of arms; and to that end there is a necessity for a perpetuation of the party, "as the causes which called it into existence are permanent."

Upon these principles, we are informed by this nefarious party, "the Union must and shall be preserved." Thus is the measure of outrage, of indignity and insult towards the South filled to overflowing, at the close of forty years of infringement upon its rights. —To submit longer would be to cover ourselves with ignominy and disgrace, and prove to the world that we are degenerate sons of a noble ancestry, and incapable of defending our liberties and preserving our national honor. Four years ago the Black Republican party made its first attempt to destroy the Constitution and provincialize the South by the election of a President of the United States and seizing the reins of Government. The Hon. Millard Fillmore, then himself a nominee for the Presidency, entered the arena of debate to warn his people against the dangers that threatened his country if the sectional Black Republican party should triumph. In a speech delivered by him at Albany, he made the following striking declarations:

"We see a political party presenting candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency selected, for the first time, from the free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candidates by suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow in case of success? Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate? Suppose that the South, having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would have only slaveholders for President and Vice President, and should elect such by their exclusive suffrage to rule over us at the North, do you think you would submit to it? NO, NOT FOR A MOMENT. And do you believe that your Southern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of their rights? If you do let me tell you that you are mistaken; and therefore you must see that if this sectional party succeeds, it leads INEVITABLY TO THE DESTRUCTION OF THIS BEAUTIFUL FABRIC, reared by our forefathers, &c. I tell you that we are treading upon the brink of a volcano, that is liable at any moment to burst forth and OVERWHELM THE NATION."

Mr. Fillmore was certainly right in his estimate of the spirit of the Northern people.—They would not submit to such a tyranny from the South as that he described. And can we for a moment suppose, as he himself said, that the Southern people "are less sensitive on this subject," "or less jealous of their rights," than the people of the North? Will any Southern man make so disgraceful an admission?

Washington predicted the breaking up of the Union Under circumstances precisely such as now exist. His prediction was based upon the spirit of independence and honor which he knew to abide in the hearts of the people of his country. If we submit we shall have fallen below the standard he thought we would live up to, and will merit the contempt of the world. We will have done more to convince the world of the "barbarism of slavery" than Sumner's sophistries spun out for years.

The South will be true to herself—to the estimate of her spirit entertained by the Father of his Country—to her past history—and to her present independence and honor. She will resist the outrages of the North. She will dissolve all connection with the North, or have an acknowledgment and a practical respect of her rights from those who have denied and outraged them. She will not longer submit to be told that she shall have no equality in Territories, and that her right of property in slaves shall be nowhere recognized—and to be told that by the descendants of the importers of slaves, and of those who owned slaves and got rid of slavery by selling out to our ancestors—descendants of persons who got rid of slavery by having a commercial outlet for it, and whose posterity now say to us that we shall have no outlet; but that we shall be hemmed in by lines within which slavery will ultimately be extinguished, according to Mr. Lincoln. To submit would bring national disgrace upon us, and put our own race in a course of "ultimate extinction."

The natural effect of these causes has begun. One State has withdrawn from the Union—several others are going. It is folly to denounce them. It is self-stultification in any Southern man to do so. There is no difference about the nature of our outrages and their degree. If some States choose to dissolve their connection with their assailants, we ought not to denounce them. We may regret that they had not shaped their measures and the time of their action differently; but we cannot deny nor depreciate the gravity of the PROVOCATION.

They cannot be called back without the most complete acknowledgment of their rights in the Union. If this acknowledgment does not take place before Abraham Lincoln is inaugurated, then it is not likely that it will ever be made. There is an irrepressible aversion in the South to remaining under the Administration of Lincoln. Nothing but the most thorough righting of wrongs and redressing of aggrievances can induce Southern people to submit to it. Without them, Lincoln will never be President of the United States.

War and all its attendant horrors must ensue without a UNITED SOUTH. With union they may be prevented. Division and discord here will but fix the party in power at the North more firmly in its determination to yield not an inch of its usurpations—will but stimulate Black Republican bands and "Wide Awakes" in their measures for coercion and invasion of the South. Union and concord amongst us, if it does not promptly extort justice to the South, will at least stop the uplifted arm and end the preparation for coercion. The People are ahead of the Politicians and the Press, and the Women (God bless them!) are ahead of the Men. They must suffer most from war and its concomitants; but they are most eager for resistance—for the maintenance of the rights and honor of their country. For these the proud and noble daughters of the South are ready to endure any sacrifice. If the public men but elevate themselves to the level of popular feeling, the South will be united in a month from to-day. A UNITED SOUTH MAY ENSURE A RECONSTRUCTION OF THE Union. It WILL CERTAINLY VINDICATE THE HONOR AND THE INALIENABLE RIGHTS OF THE SOUTHERN STATES.

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Friday, March 22, 1861

Extra Session U. S. Senate.

Washington, March 21.

—Senator Douglas' resolutions were up.

Senator Bayard, of Delaware, continued his remarks. He discussed the cause which had led to the withdrawal of seven States, among which was the formation and triumph of a sectional party, recognizing the equality . . . more

Extra Session U. S. Senate.

Washington, March 21.

—Senator Douglas' resolutions were up.

Senator Bayard, of Delaware, continued his remarks. He discussed the cause which had led to the withdrawal of seven States, among which was the formation and triumph of a sectional party, recognizing the equality of all, without regard to race, and hostile to the existence of slavery. Their ultimate purpose was to extinguish it by indirect action on the part of the Federal Government.

After an Executive session, adjourned.

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Thursday, November 29, 1860

AN OPINION FROM MISSOURI.

Hon. E. C. Cabell, of Missouri, (a native of Virginia,) late a Douglas elector in that State, writes a letter, of which the following is an extract:

"The Union is to be dissolved by the secession of several States. All the Southern States must . . . more

AN OPINION FROM MISSOURI.

Hon. E. C. Cabell, of Missouri, (a native of Virginia,) late a Douglas elector in that State, writes a letter, of which the following is an extract:

"The Union is to be dissolved by the secession of several States. All the Southern States must join those that now secede. The slave States will be united; and in this there is our only hope for peace. Rather than a war with the united South, the Northern States may accede to our just demands, and give us satisfactory guarantees for the future, and thus 'make a more perfect Union.' The Union meetings talked of in Virginia and Kentucky will but encourage and strengthen abolitionism. Thank God, our people even here have refused to get up one of these ill-devised and fatal expedients. Let Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri announce that they are for the Union, 'right or wrong,' and civil war is inevitable. Let them join the South in a determined demand on the North to do us justice, and the nullifying legislation of Northern States will be repealed, and slavery will become a forbidden subject in Congress, and we shall have peace. Our Union-savers now are the surest Union destroyers; our advocates for peace are the fomenters of war.—

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